Technology Use in the Religious Communities in Israel

Technology Use in the Religious Communities in Israel:?
Combining Traditional Society and Advanced Communications

Yaron Katz
Bar-Ilan University, Israel
yaron@ykatz.com

DOWNLOAD PDF OF PAPER

Abstract

The technological development of the electronic media and the changes in their role create a process of transition to using alternative modes of communication, which combine mass media and inter-personal communication. These means are alternative to traditional media; they serve segments of the population which do not receive a suitable expression in the institutionalized media, and provide them with information and advertisement which bypass the limitations imposed on the media. The largest alternative activity taking place in Israel is targeted to the orthodox and Haredi (ultra-orthodox) population, mainly through advanced technological means, such as the internet and satellite transmissions. This study explores the ideological dilemma of using advanced communications technology by the religious public, while trying to avoid its cultural hazards and still using it effectively. It examines the characteristics of technology consumption and the use of new media among the religious target group in Israel.

Introduction

The use of sectarian media is becoming a significant factor in Israel due to technology advancement which enables a widespread use of alternative media (alternative to the official media operating under the government?s licensing system) and alternative advertising tools (which bypass the limitations of the official media). Alternative communications were also developed due to the limitations on the use of the official media, which prevent sectarian groups from acting freely and reaching their audience through the mainstream media. On the other hand, the segmentation of the target groups enables the utilization of technological improvements and changes in the media, mainly among the orthodox and Haredi (ultra-orthodox) sectors [1]. The target audience of the religious and Haredi alternative communications in Israel is rather large, since over half of the population is defined as either religious or traditional. 17% of the public defines itself religious (12% orthodox and 5% Haredi) and 43% define themselves traditional (a group within the religious public that identifies with the common norms of the secular society while confining religion into defined and compartmentalized areas). Only 40% define themselves as secular [2].

The orthodox and Haredi society is making a wide and varied use of mass media and interpersonal communications. The religious communications include printed press, a radio station established by the government and internet websites. The Haredi communications map is richer and includes daily and weekly newspapers, monthly magazines and periodicals, weekly Torah bulletins and internal publications, pirate radio stations, satellite TV broadcasts, recorded sermons, audio and video cassettes, DVD movies and internet websites. The Haredi way of communications is one of the oldest among the sectarian communications factors in Israel, and it places itself as a counter-culture to the other groups that make the Israeli society [3].

In recent decades, scholars have recognized the importance of studying Jewish engagement with media. As Campbell and Golan (2011) suggest, such studies highlight a need for additional inquiry into the role religion plays in shaping media within the Jewish and Israeli context. The goal of the paper is to explore the dilemmas along with the advantages of the sectarian communications employed by the religious public in Israel and delineate the ways that the Jewish traditional society uses advanced communications. These issues are extremely important to understanding the impact of digital technology on sectarian groups and the way Jewish religious communities can benefit from new technology in the twenty-first century. In dealing with these issues, the research relates to the conflict between tradition and modernization, as described by Bailey and Redden (2011, p3), ?in the face of religion?s continued vitality in global modernity?.

The way that the religious groups are using new media examined in this research, refers to technological changes as an information source aimed to serve the community interests. New media enables the creation of alternative means to the general communications as a service to the religious public, which rejects, due to reasons of values, any expression forms that stand against its nature. The sectarian society of the religious and Haredi public employs the new communications technology in a focalized way, yet the technological innovations create cultural conflicts between traditional society and global communications technologies.

The use of religious and alternative communications turned into a significant force through technological advancement that allows wide use of alternative means (Horowitz, 2000). Grouping of the target audience allows utilizations of the technological renovations and communications changes, since different groups can bypass the imposed restrictions on official means. In this way, there is a tendency to reach segmented target audiences and create direct connection with sectarian groups without restrictions on broadcasting or considerations and preferences imposed by public supervision.

Alternative media can be defined as the use of new media by special-interest groups while operating outside the mainstream media. Mainstream media can be defined in that context as the official outlets operating as part of the licensing system provided by the government or any other official regulator. The use of alternative media explores all possible means to reach targeted groups. Alternative and new means can generally be considered as additional services to the mainstream media, although in many occasions they are even more effective and thus have a tremendous impact on sectarian groups (Katz, 2007).

There are different approaches of the religious and ultra-orthodox community toward the media and new technology (Levy, 1990; Ilan, 2000; Caplan, 2001; Tsarfati and Blais, 2002). While the extremists deny the use of all media services except intra-community newspapers, as a principled objection to modern culture (Kutz, 1999), the leading and common view regards the media as objective and therefore doesn?t deny their use, as long as they provide suitable religious and moral content (Tsarfati and Liran-Lauper, 2010). This conflict has been intensified with the growing impact of alternative media. The influence of the press and television on the working of democracy has been increasingly criticised (Blumler and Kavanagh, 1999), and the extraordinary opportunities provided by the internet and new media can be used as an instrument of citizenship in which people can learn about alternatives (Sunstein, 2001). Although the ultra-orthodox have lower exposure to computers and to the internet than the rest of the Israeli Jewish population (Cohen, 2011), the adoption of new technology has undermined the authority of the rabbinical leadership and directly exposes the community to the secular world (Barzilai and Barzilai-Nahon, 2002).

Technology poses new challenges to the religious sects. Campbell (2010) argues that religious people are not anti-technology; rather they are constrained by a number of social and faith-based factors which inform and guide their responses to the possibilities and challenges offered by new forms of the media. However, as found by Cohen (2011), the discussion within the Haredi rabbinical leadership about the threat from the internet occurred at the same time as a proliferation of Jewish-related websites, many of which were educational, which made it more difficult for rabbis to impose their anti-internet line.

The paper analyzes firstly the media in the religious and Haredi sectors, arguing that there is a wide use of traditional and new media services aimed specifically at these sectors. It then explores the differing attitudes toward the internet and the challenges they are confronted with, and describes the different uses of the internet by the religious groups. While the use of the internet is taken for granted by the orthodox sect, as part of their integration in society, the objection by ultra-orthodox rabbis to technology is in the threat it is posing to religion and traditional values. Thus the Haredi community has its own alternative communications system that complements the information that their public lacks, due to non-exposure to the mainstream media. On the other hand, the use of the internet by the orthodox sect is a widespread phenomenon, as they complement their mainstream media consumption with services geared for this particular audience. The research found that in addition to basic and general information provided by sites aimed specifically at these target groups, there is widespread use of focused religious internet activities offered to orthodox and ultra-orthodox communities. In the last part, the study examines the characteristics of communications consumption among the orthodox public and the success of a focused address to this target audience. In regards to the ultra-orthodox, it was impossible to check the habits of media consumptions by the Haredi community because people belonging to this sector refused to cooperate with the survey.

The media in the religious and Haredi public

The religious public is unique in its wish to live a religious life and still be part of the entire society so as not to be disconnected from modernization. A study conducted by Gebel (2006) on the attitude of the religious public toward general communications found that the communications consumption by the religious group is similar to that of the secular group. The religious public reads the newspapers intended for the general population, listens to mainstream radio stations and watches channels targeted for the general audience. Still, the study found that there is a negative correlation between the degree of religiousness and the attitude toward the media. The more religious the participant, the more negative his attitude toward general media. Although they constitute the main information means for the religious sector, the attitude of the religious people toward the national media is negative, suspicious and subject to negotiation. Thus, many religious people complement their media consumption with alternative communications system geared for this particular audience.

The changes in the communications map and in the religious society create changes also in the means geared for the religious public. The internet became the main alternative form, and the influence of traditional media lessened. The printed press directed to religious groups, which had existed over fifty years since the establishment of the State of Israel and was sponsored by a political party (Hatzofeh newspaper was sponsored by Mafdal [NRP], a national religious party disbanded in 2008), was sold to private entities, and years later merged with a newspaper geared to the right wing segment (Makor Rishon). At the same time, the government adopted the alternative communication idea and published a tender for a religious radio station (Kol Hai radio station is a national station aimed toward religious audience and financed by commercials. Today, most of the programs address the Haredi public), and a TV channel on Israeli heritage (one group of investors made a bid, and won, however after it conducted economic evaluations decided that such a channel was not feasible). A private TV channel that transmitted via cable and satellite for nearly a year and a half (Arutz Tchelet), geared to the religious and traditional audience, closed down.

The changes in the consumption habits of alternative media raise the question whether the religious communities should remain isolated in alternative media or should they take a leading part in the general media. Although there has been a tendency throughout history to see technology and modernity as essentially in conflict with religion and religious communities (Campbell, 2010), the commercial national channels ? Channel 2 and 10 ? are founded based on the latter approach, and indeed they transmit several shows with religious and traditional features (Katz, 2009). A similar question applies to the internet as well, which enables communicators on the one hand to directly address focused target audiences and on the other hand, to target a wide range of audiences through popular sites.

The Haredi society tends to be more extreme with respect to religious faith and its attitude toward the media. This sector is comprised of various streams and groups. Among these streams there are differences in ideologies and life styles, as well as the focused connection to internet websites enabling each group to create a social tool which functions as a companion to the life and progression of the community. The main streams in this sector are the Chasidim (31%), Lithuanians (28%), orthodox Sephardim (20%), unidentified Haredim (9%), and national Haredim (7%).

Orthodoxy embodies traditional values accepted for hundreds of years, but it was founded mainly as a reaction to cultural and social changes that occurred in the new era. These changes constituted a danger to the strength and existence of the tradition; empowered the status of the Jewish nation and its role as the Torah carrier; and increased the suspicion toward the modern world. The Haredi leadership lives in a state of threat from spiritual, social, cultural and political phenomena that surround the community. Therefore, the development of the Haredi communication is tied with the acknowledgment that modern tools should be used in order to fight modernization [4].

The Haredi public carved on its banner the principle of segregation, including community life inside self-contained enclaves. These basic assumptions lead the Haredi community in all life aspects: clothing, education, marriage matchmaking and even language. These characteristics are expressed in banning the use of institutionalized communications. The Haredi approach toward the media began with a strict stance, following the rabbis? strong prohibition against using all communications means, especially radio and television, and later on, this included the internet. As for newspapers, it was prohibited to read general newspapers and as an alternative, newspapers targeted to the Haredi public were published.Additional alternative communication forms developed: radio stations with Jewish content were established, religious movies are distributed as DVDs and on the internet, and a limited use of the internet has begun.

The main reason for objecting to institutionalized communications and developing alternative media lies in Jewish culture coupled with the fear of western culture and secularism, the need for cultural segregation and sectorial coherency as well as the need for a platform for public dialogue unique to these groups. Compared with the secularism of the general society where subjects such as violence, sex and slander play a star role on TV, newspapers and internet sites geared to the wider population, there is cultural strengthening within this public. These cultural differences led to an ideological gap which required developing alternative communications means. Further, since the Haredi public does not have access to a platform to express its opinions and discuss issues relevant to this sector, the alternative media magnify the Jewish identity and unite the public through common dialogue.

The main information sources of the Haredi public for current events inside their community as well as news from Israel and the world are the Haredi media. The exposure to general media is low, since their commercials and the cultural messages which are targeted to the wider population are not suitable for the Haredi public and are deemed harmful to Jewish values and culture. The religious and ideological gap between the Haredi society and the general society distanced the Haredim from access to institutionalized communications. The need for independent communications appropriate for religious values held by the Haredi society induced the development of alternative ideological means to the secular media [5].

The Haredi press serves as a central tool for public dialogue of this sector and enjoys a special status ? despite technological changes and the establishment of new media. It feels obligated to provide its readers with informative tools to be able to cope with the seculars and convince those who are not yet convinced in the internal struggles inside the Haredi sector [6]. The Haredi press characteristically reports on desirable norms rather than on events that actually occurred. This is an ideological media aimed at spreading out the religious ideology of the stream which it represents. Caplan (2003) claims that several of the characteristics of the Haredi press are not in line with the common definition of the media study and even contradict it with respect to newspapers as communication tools: the papers? editors are subordinate to rabbis and Haredi leaders? decisions and serve as gatekeepers preventing their readers from getting information they perceive as inappropriate, harmful or in contrast with the values of the Haredi society, or that may have negative implications on the Haredi readers? group.

There are two leading newspapers in the Haredi sector: Hamodia, of the Chasidic faction and Yated Neaman, of the Lithuanian section. In addition, an abundance of weekly and monthly magazines are published [7]. Although the Haredi press is directed toward the Haredi society, in recent years the papers? editors became aware that their words are being read also by media people, thus they include articles with contents directed toward religious Jews who are not necessarily Haredim or defined as religious. These articles embody a platform for comments on issues related to the Haredi society published in the general media. The Haredi press serves also as a platform for internal struggles inside the sector or for expressing self and inner criticism on social events occurring within the Haredi society [8].

The most popular electronic media is the Haredi radio. Today, dozens of pirate radio stations, illegal and without a license to transmit to the public are operating. The pirate radio stations transmit mainly to defined target audiences, hence, their great influence. The target audiences do not listen to the authorized (legal) radio stations since they do not meet their needs (these stations are too secular for the taste of the Haredi radio stations? listeners).

The unauthorized radio stations aimed to groups such as Haredim, religious, penitents, and traditionalists who are interested in strengthening their religious values. Though illegal, the radio stations became legitimate among the target public as a means that connects the rabbis and the leaders of the sector with the wide public, as well as a means to transmit religious and cultural values. The prosperity of Haredi radio stations reflects the basic need of a sector, which is far removed from the cultural mainstream, for ideological, religious and cultural dialogue appropriate for its own needs, and unable to find in the authorized radio stations [9].

Satellite transmissions constitute an additional popular form of communications that utilizes technological improvements in order to reach the target audiences in the Haredi and religious sector directly by bypassing the mainstream media. Shas political party transmits via satellite programs featuring rabbis and their spiritual leader, Rabbi Ovadia Yosef. Shas? broadcasts are received in hundreds of viewing locations across the country and in many private homes where a satellite dish has been installed.

These broadcasts serve as a very effective propaganda means. Shas? political power increased greatly due to the transmissions activity, and today, it is one of the biggest parties in the Knesset representing 10% of the Knesset members. Satellite transmissions enable direct contact between the voters and elected candidates and reach various target populations at a relatively low cost. They also overcome logistic problems of assembling huge conventions and provide a solution to logistic problems of physically bringing rabbis and party leaders to attend political conventions. Shas transmissions became very popular among the party?s supporters, and are a basis for extensive Torah learning and social activities, which contribute to the political success of the party [10].

The Haredi community has mechanisms that complement the information that the public lacks due to non-exposure to the official media. A popular communications form is parashat hashavua bulletin distributed in synagogues every Saturday to spread Torah words with reference to daily issues. The bulletin is characterized by content, world view and columns according to the persepective and goal of its publishers. It usually includes 4-6 pages with the following elements (varied according to the type of bulletin and the target audience): one or more main devar Torah (words of Torah) on parashat hashavua and political events, information about Shabbat times, stories with religious background and connection to the parashat hashavua or current events, reference to a social activity of the publisher, a story for children, and questions and answers presented to rabbis. An abundance of leaflets is being published in the religious and Haredi public, since each group and even neighborhood synagogues publish their own bulletin. Another communication means used by the Haredim is the pashkevil ? the name for a street flier posted on walls in the Haredi streets carrying a message, mostly negative, against a particular person or an idea [11].

The attitude toward the internet in the religious and Haredi sector

Online communication has gathered momentum in recent years, and it also permeates segments considered more conservative ? the religious and Haredi public. The process of accepting the internet by them is slower and more limited than the general public, and often needs to be justified. After all, how could a tool without boundaries such as the internet be accepted without any justifications? Thus, as part of its justification, questions were raised: how such a tool may contribute to the individual in the religious society or to the religious society as a whole? What are the perfections and improvements that could be made today with its help that did not exist previously? The more answers given regarding the capability of the internet to beneficially influence the Torah world and the religion, the more it will be accepted by the public.

The development of the internet presents the religious and Haredi public with a dilemma ? should the many opportunities latent in the internet be perceived positively, or should they fear the dangers this tool conceals, mainly the cultural impact of global communication and boundary-crossing technology? The potential threat is cultural ? which may crumble the religious and Haredi society and undermine its values and educational basis ? emphasizing the effect of the net on the individual personality of the user, mainly of kids and adolescents who are in the process of forming their personality. Accordingly, the question was raised whether the lack of boundaries should cause absolute denial of the technology, or if it should be checked to see if the advantages exceed the disadvantages. Either way, this society could not ignore the existence and development of the internet. This issue was discussed among the rabbis, but it seems that the decision on the mere use of the internet stems in most cases from ideological motives rather than from an explicit halachic ruling. Most of the opinions do not lean on an explicit decision in the binding sources of the Halacha, but draw their validity mainly from the authority and personality of those who make the decisions.

The internet confronts the religious group with challenges. All groups are aware that it creates problems and raises questions, but there are differences regarding the solutions, which stem from a wider view point. The classic orthodoxy sees the internet as an ideological and cultural threat. More moderate elements categorize the internet issue mainly to the field of educational matters, and even among them there are different approaches to possible solutions and different ways of coping with the challenge.

The dilemma of using the internet faced by the Haredi sector is bigger than the one faced by the other sectors, including the orthodox society, since the religious limitations in this sector are stricter. The internet, which by its nature opens all borders and connects its user to a global virtual society, defuses the social supervision mechanism, and as such stands against the Haredi worldview. The main fear stems from breaking through boundaries and its implication on social and value meanings. The rabbis of the Haredi public are apprehensive not only about the content offered by the web sites but also about the fact that the net provides a channel that easily connects the user to different cultures.

As a result of the development of the internet, the Haredi public founded a special court called ?special beth din (Jewish court) to stand in the breach of computers?, which published a leaflet stating that there is a severe prohibition on each person in Israel from connecting to the internet and that the use of computers for the purpose of watching games or videos posts a great danger thus, the use of computers should be limited to livelihood purposes only. Other leaflets published in the Haredi sector state that according to da?at Torah (knowledge of Torah) the use of the internet or the television should be banned because they both endanger the holiness of Israel. These leaflets claim that ?since the internet is the worldwide biggest leader of delusion of nature, an instigator and seducer to sin and abomination of the worse kind, its user takes part in all the diseases of the spoilt society which penetrates the home and the office, and the spiritual and Jewish state of the internet user is put in danger.? These leaflets express the main concern regarding the mere existence of a tool which breaches all boundaries and enables its user to easily and quickly reach wherever he wants. Hence, the concern is not about the problems created by using the net but about its meaning as a cultural and social factor which bypasses sectorial isolation.

Contrary to the Haredim, the use of the internet by the orthodox is a widespread phenomenon. The most prominent use is of sites that assist in matters of Judaism, such as information on religious services, updates on events in the Jewish world, learning Jewish texts or presenting halachic and moral questions to rabbis. The existence of site filters allow many parents to let the internet into their homes and to feel safe that nothing bad would happen to their kids who may be exposed to sites that stand against the values of their religion. This exposure develops among the young the habit of using the net, and enables each religious person to enjoy a variety of possibilities of religion, education, knowledge and entertainment targeted to the group that he belongs to.

The religious society is characterized by intellectual awareness to culture challenges presented by modern society. Contrary to Haredi society it does not reject cultural changes, but rather tries to extract the good and positive opportunities that it entails. Hence, the religious society does not sweepingly dismiss technological advancement, although it is concerned about the cultural content that it spreads. Though the internet is deemed mainly an educational matter, there is a debate among the rabbis that belong to this sector as to how to cope with its content. Despite the positive attitude toward the possibility of obtaining information easily, there is a fear of the dangers latent in problematic content, mainly pornographic sites. The common opinion is not to object to the internet, but rather turn it into a challenge. Since many sites could directly influence religion and the public, kids should be encouraged to take part in developing these sites. Accordingly, it is preferable to teach people how to use the internet properly, including how to retrieve cultural and scientific information, while keeping in mind that the need of the religious public in relation to the internet is to encourage building sites with positive content.

Another group within the religious public is the observant Jews, called the traditionalists, a?group that observes the mitzvoth yet is more permissive. They identify with the common norms of the secular society in Israel and the western world, while confining the Halacha into defined and compartmentalized areas. One of the main distinctive marks is their approach to leisure culture which traditional people regard as necessity; activities that contribute to the mental health and cultural richness of the individual. Accordingly, the use of the internet is taken for granted and as part of integration in society. The mere use of it is not subject to discussion, and even when the way it is used is discussed, there is an approach that stands for exercising more self-discipline than blocking sites or limiting the use of the net. This approach sees the religious society as part of the western world, and as such, it should aspire to integrate in the information revolution [12].

Using the internet for religious purposes

As a result of the objection by rabbis and religious leaders to the internet and to what it has to offer, service facilities attempting to overcome the disadvantages were founded and developed, offering the religious public tools that enabled it to retrieve only the positive and vital attributes of the internet. The religious society was wise enough to extract the advantages of the internet and thus use modern technology to mold and strengthen traditional values. In addition to general information, the internet provides the religious public with matters of religion and tradition, and opens a world filled with opportunities of religious empowerment and quick solutions to many problems and areas such as, questions and answers, Torah lessons, rabbis? sites, virtual communities, artistic creation and prayers as well as focused advertisements for religious populations.

1. Essential information

Similar to the secular society that consumes essential information about matters it is interested in, the religious public receives from the internet information about current religious issues. The need for focused information for the religious public stems from the fact that in the media intended for the general public there is not much room for the religious public or enough sites that are addressed at the religious consumer. There are Jewish sections in the online news including articles and news related to the religious public, religious culture, columns written by religious writers, and Jewish art. Furthermore, many sites offer updates on issues such as restaurants and halls, daily times (sun rise, sun set, beginning and ending of the Shabbat), or details on ritual bath or prayer times in synagogues. Essential information for the religious public is also transmitted on the radio, since the digital reality enables everyone to build a radio station and transmit on the internet without supervision or censorship. Various religious stations were established on the net, such as Channel 7, Radio Breslev, Kol Haemet, and Radio 2000. An additional alternative use is of television broadcasting on the net, including news broadcast of Channel 7, daily TV programs of Machon Meir and Shoresh site, as well as Channel Hidabroot (communicating), which started on the internet and moved to the multi-channeled media on the national satellite service ? Yes.

2. Kosher internet

The need to filter and control web sites and their content creates a phenomenon of the ?kosher internet? whereby sites and content suppliers provide services of information filtering. This service helps many religious people to feel safe when they surf the net and take advantage of surfing on safe sites. In this way, the parents have control over the content to which their children are exposed, and even the parents themselves can filter some sites of their choice. Undoubtedly the commercial companies that provide such services would have failed without the open minded attitude exhibited by many religious people who agreed to let the machine into their homes.

The internet provider, Gold Internet, offers a ?parental control service? allowing the parents to determine the level of filtering of the websites visited by their children [13]. Bezeq International internet provider offers several tracks of safe surfing in different areas, including a kids? track as well as computerized filtering of undesired websites. It is also possible to connect to Safe Net, a filtering software of the server which blocks sites of pornography, violence and the like. This provider works in cooperation with Nativ Company, geared for the Haredi sector, offering a package of nearly 1500 safe sites. Netvision Internet provider offers its customers the service of filtering sites through Mesanenet Company which scans in real time each internet page. The provider offers its customers control on the hours of use, restriction on surfing hours, and production of reports on surfing hours and the sites that their children have tried to enter.

Moreshet Server Based Filtering offers different levels of blockage, according to the customer?s request. The company enables choosing between seven levels and changing the filtering level according to the choice of the user ? beginning with general blockage of all websites (except for electronic mail) and up to free access to the internet. This service is unique since it is suited for the entire religious public ? not only to the young but also to adults who do not want to be exposed to negative sites and can block themselves from using websites according to the selection of the access level.

Rimon internet provider declares that its goal is to protect its customers from negative sites displayed on the internet. It offers its religious and Haredi customers different filtering services for each sector. They can choose one program out of five. The more lenient programs allow access to news and entertainment sites, and if the surfer reaches a site not yet checked, a machine or human test is conducted, a test that lasts about 90 seconds. At the highest degree of blocking, access to most news and entertainment and even professional sites is blocked. If the customer is not satisfied with the result of the blocking, he can move to a different blocking level by clicking a password, unless he had stated otherwise in the definition of ?his red line? in his contract with the company. The customer can contact a service representative and add a specific site to the list of private sites he has access to, as long as they do not conflict with the general blocking of the company which prevents access to pornography and violent sites. There are also surfing possibilities for the Haredi public which include different levels, beginning with electronic mail only up to the most open level which allows access to news websites filtered for undesirable articles and pictures.

3. Questions and answers

This form, known as responsa, plays an important role in religion and alternative communications. It contains an archive of religious questions and answers asked by the wide public and responded to by one or more rabbis. The technological advancement renders the Jewish responsa culture accessible and easy to use, allowing it to be rich and diversified on subject matters and responses from different rabbis.

Using the internet to solve religious issues integrates traditional behavior and technological advancement. Many surfers choose to forward their questions via virtual responsa. To date, hundreds of thousands of questions have been presented on the sites Kipa and Moreshet, turning them into the biggest responsa literature in the Jewish world. The fact that each day hundreds of new questions are asked on the different Jewish websites shows that the responsa phenomenon is deeply rooted in the religious society [14].

The advantages of the virtual responsa are many. A question can be asked and a response can be sent in a few hours. It is also possible to address several rabbis and receive different opinions without too much effort or financial investment. Since most of the responsa are recorded on the internet, a large repository of responsa has been created, classified and categorized according to subjects and rabbis, enabling convenient access for each user who seeks an answer to a particular question. An additional advantage is the opportunity to ask questions without being identified. In this way, an observant individual can ask embarrassing questions regarding private and secret matters and get a response without being exposed. Many questions would have remained unasked without a medium that provides secrecy and privacy, hence, many questions concerning issues of sex, for instance, are asked by married couples and teenagers who would otherwise be too embarrassed to ask face to face [15].

4. Torah Lessons

A person who googles the words ?Torah lessons? will receive a vast number of web sites offering Torah lessons to read, listen and even watch online. One can also watch live Torah lessons, and even ask the Rabbi questions via email and receive a live response.
The validity of Torah lessons on the internet is controversial. Their advantage is that they are accessible to anyone, any time and any place, while one is sitting in front of a computer. A person can have access to a Torah lesson given in another city or another country, easily and effortlessly. Another advantage is the possibility to choose from a wide variety of lessons on different subjects or by numerous rabbis, so that each person could get a lesson according to the subject of his interest. One can also listen or watch a lesson without allocating specific time or resources. A person can listen to a lesson while he is working at home or in the office, and use his time to learn Torah at any given moment.

The counter claim is that Torah lessons on the net may give people an excuse not to go out to Torah lessons conducted face to face, and hence turn Torah learning into a virtual activity, lacking personal relations between rabbi and pupil and lacking social context. Also, it is claimed that the possibility of watching a Torah lesson at home, when the person is not really present in front of the speaking rabbi, enables him to behave with less respect towards the lesson. A person could, for example, listen to a Torah lesson not properly dressed, answer the phone in the middle of the lesson, or be occupied with other things while listening. Many rabbis feel that this may lead to disrespect toward the Torah, since the person feels that he listens to a computer and not to a rabbi, and thus may behave less respectfully. Yet, despite the disadvantages, one cannot ignore the contribution of the internet to spreading the Torah among many people. Due to this tool many people are exposed to rabbis that they would have never heard of, and to subjects that they did not know, and they can listen to or watch a lesson any time they wish [16].

5. Rabbis? web sites

In the exact same way that fans build web sites of their favorite celebrities, websites of different rabbis are built in the religious world. The difference lies in the content. On the fans? sites one may find mainly pictures, forums, music and articles, whereas on the rabbis? sites one may find mostly Torah lessons given by them, religious rules, stories related to them and the opportunity for Q&A.

The site Tfilot (prayers) offers a search for minyanim (quorum of ten men) for prayers countrywide, according to the criteria of basic or advanced search. Shtaygen ? Olam Hatorah Portal is a website providing the function to search for Torah lessons in Israel. The site includes a limited number of lessons given in yeshivas around the country, and the users are asked to contact the site manager in case they know of more lessons. However, since the site does not have a function to allow the adding of a lesson in a clear and orderly way, the users lack accessibility and motivation, and the list remains relatively short. HaEmet Ha?absulutit (the absolute truth) is another web site which offers a list of Torah lessons across the country. The site receives a list of organizations in Israel that offer Torah lessons such as, Lev La?achaim, Shofar, and Irgun Hadaf Hayomi.

6. Virtual communities

The virtual communities on the net (forums) became common and accessible to almost all slices of the population. Also, the religious public places great importance on finding a virtual community according to subject or interest of the user. Religious communities use leading forum sites discussing mostly issues relating to matters of relationships between couples and family.

Tapuz site provides a religious forum but it amounts to less than 50 messages a day. Hyde Park website has 125 forums for religious people of all kinds, under the title Dat and Emuna (Religion and Faith). On the most active forum (Behadrei Hadarim) there is traffic of about 80 messages a day. On Kipa site, which offers 50 different forums, there is traffic of over 300 messages a day in each of their leading forums. The most active forum of the site (pregnancy) has fast traffic of more than 700 messages a day.

7. Creative work

Creative work is yet another area developed by religious individuals surfing the net. The internet, which provides a room and a platform to anyone who wishes to display his talents, is obviously available to religious artists as well. The two leading artistic sites geared to religious people are Tzura and Bikorim where one can publish his or her works of art in the area of writing, poetry, photography, and painting. The sites are managed by alternate editors and monitor the incoming content with respect to modesty, violence and level of artistry. They give exposure to religious artists who would have not dared to or succeeded in presenting their work before an audience. These artists see the internet as home for their art works and talents and through it they reach self realization.

The influence of focused communications on religious groups

It is evident from examining the way the religious and Haredi public use technology that these target audiences have learned how to take advantage of the advanced technology for promoting religious and cultural goals and creating an inner-community dialogue. In the conflict between society and technology, the religious sector in Israel succeeded in realizing the advantages embodied in progress while maintaining the religious and cultural framework. Subsequent to this conclusion, the study further examined the characteristics of communications consumption among the religious public and the success of a focused address to this target audience.

In order to examine these characteristics a survey was conducted among nearly 100 young people aged 20 to 30 who defined themselves as religious. It should be noted that the response to the survey in the religious sector was good. Since the responses were anonymous, the participants from this sector felt comfortable. The participants in the survey were contacted in person, chosen as the best representation of the sector, and interviewed personally. It was impossible to check the habits of media consumption by the Haredi community because people belonging to this sector refused to cooperate with the survey.

The first part of the survey examined the characteristics of communications consumption among the religious audience. It was found that the main communications means used by the participants are (according to the frequency of consumption): the internet, the radio (not limited to stations geared to religious public) and the Shabbat leaflets distributed in synagogues. The communications means that earned low marks were the traditional ones ? the printed press and television. The study also examined the variations in internet consumption. Here, the participants did not differ much on the level of consumption. According to the survey findings, all the participants use the internet for electronic mail. Many (over 90%) answered that they visit sites with essential information. Also, great interest was recorded in sites that offer religious contents (around 80% of the participants said that they are using the internet for this purpose). Interest was also found in news sites, money related sites (bills payments and bank reports) and in downloading files from the internet. Less interest was recorded in sites dealing with topics of education and family, and forums and chat.

The second part examined the success of the internet as a focused address to the religious audience, as one of its advantages is advertisement to target audiences. The ability to reach directly and without intermediaries to the orthodox and Haredim communities gives the internet a huge advantage in characterizing and targeting the audience that enter various websites. Leading religious websites display advertisements geared mainly to the religious audience. These advertisements are usually published by organizations and businesses geared to the religious audience, and are focused on issues and products that these target audiences are interested in and cannot find on sites directed to the secular public.

The findings indicate a positive attitude toward advertisements with religious content or advertisements aimed at the religious public, which are perceived as essential information for this sector rather than a means of selling commercial products. On the other hand, a less positive attitude was found toward general advertisements. To the question of what type of advertisements interest or intrigue them and what type of advertisements they would expect to find on sites that offer focused information to a religious public, most of them (90%) answered that they would expect to find on such sites advertisements with religious content, and the majority (about two thirds) answered that they would expect to find advertisements with content of value. Only about 20% of the participants answered that they would expect to find on such sites any type of advertisements with any problems of modesty or violence.

Another area with a focused appeal are the shopping sites geared to the religious-Haredi public. The uniqueness of these shopping sites is that the products they sell fit the cultural requirements of these target audiences and receive rabbis? approval. On this issue it was found that the participants think that the shopping habits of religious young people on the internet are similar to those of the general population. The absolute majority prefers the shopping sites intended for the general population since they carry a larger selection and the participants do not feel that they should necessarily buy products from religious sites. The participants claim that these sale sites are geared to the Haredi group and not to the orthodox one.

We can learn from these survey responses that the young orthodox generation in Israel is making wide use of the new communications means and consumes these media forms in a focused way according to its preferences. We can further conclude that the general approach of the orthodox target audience toward focused advertisements is positive, and that this audience expects to find focused information, including advertisements with religious or ideological content or advertisements geared to the orthodox public. The obvious conclusion is that the orthodox public makes vast, diverse and effective use of technology, while combining traditional society with advanced communications.
As can be seen from this research, although technology poses new challenges to the religious sects, these groups have learned how to use new media in a way that benefits their religious needs along with their cultural struggle within the secular society and media. The research found that although the orthodox community is open to the challenges and advantages of the alternative media, the ultra-orthodox community is struggling with the possibilities and exposure of the media and mainly new forms of alternative use. However, despite the threat from the internet and new media, there is a proliferation of Jewish-related websites and widespread use of alternative media in this sector too.

Notes

1. On alternative communications in Israel, see: Katz, 2007, Gilboa and Katz, 2001
2. See: Gutman report, 2000.
3. Kaplan, 2003
4. For example, see: Orbach, 2002, Levi, 1990.
5. Tsarfati, 1999.
6. Michaelson, 1990, Levi, 1990.
7. The main Chasidic papers are: Hamodia, Yated Neeman, Yom Leyom, Yom Hashishi, Mishpacha, Hashvua, Hamachneh Hacherdi, Kfar Hadad, and Bakehila.
8. The Haredi papers are distributed to subscribers? homes and are sold on weekends in newspapers stands and kiosks. Nearly 40% of household in the Haredi sector subscribe to one of the daily newspapers. The number of Haredi newspapers? readers is high due to the large number of people in each Haredi family. A survey conducted in market watch and brand names survey institutes on the issue of the quality of exposure to the press in the Haredi sector determines that about 68% reads a daily newspaper, 76% of the sector reads weekend newspaper, and the average reading time is about 20 minutes (compared with 7 minutes in the secular sector). 37% of the Haredi sector noted that the recommended newspaper is Hamodia, 29% the weekly Hamishpacha, and 25% the newspaper Yated Neeman.
9. On pirate radio see for example: Limor, 1998, Cohen, 2006.
10. On Shas party see: Fischer, 1999 :Beak, 1999.
11. The bulletins are sponsored by contributions of private people, public entities or associations as well as advertisement and sponsorships. See for example: Rapel, 1991; Cohen, 2000; Meir, 2011.
12. On the characteristics of the Israeli society see for instance: Goldstein and Gitelman, 2001; Horowith, 1999; Kimberling, 2003, Caplan and Studler, 2009.
13. The site determines that ?contents? filtering service will protect your children from exposure to porno sites, sites that encourage drugs use, sites of terror and violence, illegal gambling, etc. So you, as parents, can feel safe that their surfing is controlled?.
14. See for instance: Nectstern, 2008.
15. The most recognized Q&A sites are Kipa, Moreshet and Yeshivat Bat El.
16. Leading and recognized websites that offer Torah lessons are the website of Yeshiva Machon Meir, the website of Yeshivat Bat El and Shoresh site

Bibliography

Avraham, E. (2001). The Hidden Israel: Kibbutzim, Jewish Settlements, Development Cities and Arab Towns in the Israeli Press. Academon Press, Jerusalem. (Hebrew)

Bailey, M. and Redden, G. (2011). Editor?s Introduction: Religion as Living Culture, in: Bailey, M. and Redden, G. (eds.), 1-24, Mediating Faiths: Religion and Socio-Cultural Change in the Twenty-First Century. Ashgate, Farnham.

Barzilai-Nahon, K. and Barzilai, G. (2005). ?Cultured Technology: the Internet and Religious Fundamentalism?, The Information Society 1 (21), 25-40.

Beak, E. (2001). The Shas Phenomenon and Religious Parties in the 1999 Elections, in: Elazar, D. and Mollov, B. (eds.), 55-100, Israel at the Polls 1999, Frank Cass & Co., London.

Blumler, J. and Kavanagh, D. (1999), ?The third age of political communication: influences and features?, Political Communication 16, 209-230.

Campbell, H.A. (2010). When Religion Meets New Media. Routledge, Abingdon.
Campbell, H.A., and Golan, O. (2011). ?Creating digital enclaves: negotiation of the internet among bounded religious communities?, Media, Culture and Society 33 (5), 709-724.

Caplan, K. (2001). ?The Media in the Haredi Sector in Israel?, Kesher (30), 18-31 (Hebrew).

Caplan, K. (2003). Studying Israeli Haredi Society, in: Kaplan, K, and Sivan. E. (eds.), 78-224, Israeli Haredim: Integration Without Assimilation?, Tel Aviv, Van Leer Jerusalem Institute/HaQibbutz HaMe?uhad Publishing House.

Caplan, K. and Studler, N. (2009). Leadership and Authority in Israeli Society, Van Leer and Hakibbutz Hameuihad, Jerusalem.

Cohen, Y. (2006). ?The Religious-News Media Nexus in Israel?, Sociological Papers 112. Social Institute for Community Studies, Bar Ilan University, Israel.

Cohen, Y. (2000). ?Politics, Alienation, and the Consolidation of Group Identity: The Case of Synagogue Pamphlets?, Rhetoric and Public Affairs, 3 (2), 247-276.

Cohen, Y. (2011). Haredim and the Internet: A Hate-Love Affair, in: Bailey, M., and Redden, G. (eds.), 63-74, Mediating Faiths: Religion and Socio-Cultural Changes in the Twenty-First Century, Ashgate, Farnham.

Fisher, S. (1999). The SHAS Movement, in: Teoria Ubikoret (Theory and Criticism) 12-13, 329-339. (Hebrew).

Horowitz, T. (1999). ?Ideologies, Identification, and Confusion as Causes that Influenced on Voting Patterns of Immigrants from the Former U.S.S.R?, in Arien, Asher, and Shamir, Michal (eds.), The Elections in Israel ? 1996, The Israeli Institute for Democracy, Jerusalem.

Horowitz, N. (2000). The Haredim and the Internet, New Horizons, 3, 7-30 (Hebrew).

Gabel, I. (2006). ?The Media and the National Religious Movement: Love- Hate Relationship,? in Sectorial Communication in Israel, Chaim Herzog Institute, Tel-Aviv (Hebrew).

Gilboa, E, and Katz, Y. (2001). The Media Campaign: The Shift to Alternative Media, in: Elazar, D. and Mollov, B. (eds.), 223-244, Israel at the Polls 1999, Frank Cass & Co., London.

Ghanem, A. (1998). ?State and Minority in Israel: The Case of Ethnic State and the Predicament of its Minority?, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 21(3), 428-449

Goldstein, K. and Gittleman, T. (1999). The Russian Revolution in Israeli Politics, in: Arien, A., and Shamir, M. (eds.), The Elections in Israel ? 1996, The Israeli Institute for Democracy, Jerusalem.

Katz. Y. (2007). ?The Other Media: Alternative Communications in Israel?, International Journal of Cultural Studies, 10 (3), 383-400.

Katz. Y. (2009). ?Protecting Local Culture in a Global Environment: The Case of Israel?s Broadcast Media?, International Journal of Communication 3, 1-20.

Kimberling, B. (ed.) (1989). The Israeli State and Society: Boundaries and Frontiers. State University of New York Press, Albany.

Kutz, G. (1999). Issues in the History of Jewish and Hebrew Press, Yaron Golan Publishing, Tel Aviv (Hebrew).

Levi, A. (1990). The Haredim, Keter Publishing, Jerusalem (Hebrew).

Levy, S., Levinsohn, H., and Katz, E. (2002). A Portrait of Israeli Jewry: Beliefs, Observances and Values among Israeli Jews. Israeli Institute for Democracy, Jerusalem.

Libes, T., Peri, Y., and Grebilski, Z., (1996). ?How is the True Influence Concealed? Communication and Alternative Communication in the Israeli Elections of 1996?, Kesher 20 (Hebrew).

Limor, Y. (1998). Pirate Radio in Israel, 1998: Research Conclusion. Hebrew University in Jerusalem, Jerusalem. (Hebrew).

Meir, Y. (2011). ?Separating Mixture: The Orthodox Community Synagogue Bulletins?, Kivunim Chadashim 24 (New Directions), 122-134 (Hebrew).

Michalson, M. (1990). ?The Haredi Press in Israel?, Kesher 8, 11-21. (Hebrew).

Nechtstern, B. (2008) ?The Internet?s Influence on the Religious Society in Israel at the Beginning of the 21st Century,? in: Tsuriel, R., & Saft M., (eds.), Mass Communication and Judaism. Keter HaZahav, Petach Tikva (Hebrew).

Orbach, U. (2002) My Grandfather Was a Rabbi: A Religious-Secular Lexicon. Keter Publishing, Jerusalem (Hebrew).

Rapel, Y. (1991). ?Synagogue Press?, Kesher 10, 109-112 (Hebrew).

Sheleg, Y. (2000). The New Religious Jews: Recent Developments among Observant Jews in Israel. Keter Publishing, Jerusalem.

Sunstein, C. (2001). Republic.com. Princeton University Press, Princeton.

Tsarfati, O. (1999). ?The Press in the Service of the Messiah?, Kesher 24, 16-27 (Hebrew).

Tsarfati, O, and Blais, D. (2002). ?Between Cultural Gap and Virtual Gap: The Haredi Society and the Digital Media?, Kesher 32, 44-47 (Hebrew).

Tsarfati, O., and Liran-Lauper, D. (2010). ?Bless Me For Not Making Me a Woman?, Kesher 40 126-138 (Hebrew).

Biographical Note

YARON KATZ is a lecturer in mass communications at Bar-Ilan University, Israel. He specializes in media policy and political communications and is author of the books:?It?s a Seller?s Market ? Mass Media and the Marketing of Politicians (Tel Aviv: Poalim Library, 1999)?and?Media Policy for the 21st Century in the United States and Western Europe (Cresskill: Hampton Press, 2005).

Source: http://jrmdc.com/papers/technology-use-israel/

george lucas numerology the game new hampshire primary hue jackson alabama football coachella 2012 line up